Famine shoes

I left EPIC: The Irish Emigration Museum in Dublin with burning eyes and ringing ears. The museum is located in Dublin’s docklands, in the vaults of an industrial building dating back to 1820, initially used as a bonded customs warehouse for tobacco and wine. It now houses a shopping mall. The museum underneath strikes me as a souped-up version of the corridor displays sometimes seen in airports that serve as a taster of the country you are about to enter – generally, exercises in banality. EPIC is dedicated to histories of the Irish diaspora and emigration from Ireland – clearly a fascinating subject. Unfortunately, it primarily consists of soundbytes and rapidly moving, ruthlessly edited film clips: sound and image bleeding and morphing in an infuriating fashion. Throughout the galleries, mawkish and pointless ‘interactivity’ (Guess the Outlaw!) is liberally scattered. It seems to have been designed for people with a concentration span of about three seconds and the ability to read no more than two sentences at a time. A whole room of fake ‘olde worlde’ book spines with titles by authors from Ireland and the Irish diaspora is par for the course.

Bookshelves of fake books with titles of books by authors from Ireland and the Irish diaspora.
EPIC: The Irish Emigration Museum, Dublin.

One ‘byte’ that caught me was a snippet of a sentence from the writer Edna O’Brien: ‘There must be something secretly catastrophic about a country from which so many people go, escape…’ Manifestations of this sense of catastrophe is very evident on the streets of Dublin where, around every corner, there is a plaque or monument to fallen heroes, victims, martyrs, to those massacred or starved, impoverished, imprisoned, locked out, removed, shamed or otherwise driven from homes, workplaces or homelands. It is reminiscent of Freud’s image of the unconscious, in Civilization and its Discontents, as a Rome ‘in which nothing that has once come into existence will have passed away and all the earlier phases of development continue to exist alongside the latest ones’.

Outside EPIC there is a memorial to the Great Irish Famine (1845- 1849), which commemorates the forced emigration of 1,490 tenants from Strokestown Park estate in Co. Roscommon (now the site of the National Famine Museum) during the summer of 1847. The tenants were forced to walk the 167km route along the Royal Canal to Dublin, where they boarded the open deck of a packet steamer to Liverpool. From there, they travelled on some of the worst of what became known as ‘coffin ships’. One of them was the Naomi, on which 196 out of 421 passengers died on the voyage from Liverpool to Quebec.

A pair of children’s shoes: detail from the Famine Memorial in Custom House Quay, Dublin. Commemorates the Great Irish Famine (1845-1849). Artist: Rowan Gillespie.
Children’s shoes found in a famine graveyard near the Erne Hospital in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh. On display at the Cavan County Museum, Ballyjamesduff.

Reversing the course of this 1847 eviction, since 2017 a hotel in the remote town of Ballaghaderreen in Co. Roscommon gave asylum to around 334 Syrians fleeing war-stricken homelands (though the contract with the former Abbyfield Hotel expires in December 2019). This accommodation was one of a number of  Emergency Reception and Orientation Centres (EROC) across Ireland providing sanctuary during the height of the recent mass migration of people from the Middle East and Africa to Europe.

Latter day ‘coffin ships’, particularly those crossing the Mediterranean from North Africa, are well documented. Since 1993, a group called United for Intercultural Action has been compiling a list of ‘documented deaths of refugees and migrants due to the restrictive policies of “Fortress Europe” ‘ (here), which numbered 36,570 as of 1 April 2019 (though there would be many more undocumented). Earlier this week there were reports of migrants jumping off an overcrowded Spanish rescue ship and trying to swim to Lampedusa. By that stage, the Proactiva Open Arms ship had been refused entry by Italy for over three weeks since far right Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has taken a hard line on migration and is attempting to close Lampedusa to migrant rescue ships.

Meanwhile back in the province of Ulster, following the revelations of the leaked ‘Yellowhammer’ report, a suspected bomb was reported near the border of Co. Fermanagh and Co. Cavan close to the Cavan to Clones road. When PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland) officers attended the scene, a bomb exploded nearby, leading police to believe that they had been lured to the spot by dissidents attempting to murder PSNI officers. I overheard someone in Cavan say: ‘Any excuse, they’ll come out of the woodwork’. It is a common sentiment amongst borderland locals fearful of renewed sectarian violence if the border is fortified following Brexit. (Undoubtedly, the incident would have brought unpleasant memories to many older locals of the bombing in the border town Belturbet in Co. Cavan on 28 December 1972. Two teenagers, Geraldine O’Reilly (aged 15) and Paddy Stanley (aged 16) lost their lives. Eight others were seriously injured. Both of the youngsters were on Christmas holidays from school. Geraldine was waiting for her order in a local chip shop when the bomb hit. Paddy was calling his parents from a public phone box when he lost his life. Across the border in Co. Monaghan, another bomb had been detonated earlier in the day, seriously injuring two men. A third bomb exploded outside a pub at Mullnagoad, near Pettigo, in Co. Donegal. Nobody claimed responsibility for the Belturbet attack, but it was thought to be the work of loyalist paramilitaries.)

These are just two recent examples that suggest how ‘border thinking’ (Walter Mignolo) tempers the way the contemporary world is perceived, performed and produced. The complex interplay between borders, as well as frontiers like the Mediterranean, represent multiple ranges of register: bridge – dividing line, porous – watertight, soft – hard, unauthorised – authorised, invisible – visible, no-man’s land – demarcation zone, etc. Rather than being marginal, borders are increasingly key nodes for understanding the contemporary political landscape. According to Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson in their book Border as Method, ‘borders play a key role in the production of the heterogeneous time and space for contemporary global and postcolonial capitalism’.

For some years, I have been thinking about how concepts linked to hospitality may be a useful way of thinking through such negotiable and contested spaces. The point of departure was Jacques Derrida’s political analyses, in a sequence of seminars from the late 1990s,[1] in which he reads ‘hospitality’ as an aporetic space between the principles of unconditional or absolute hospitality – the principle of allowing whomever or whatever enters one’s domain without reservations or calculations – and conditional hospitality – the laws required to control and protect ‘home.’ Rather than setting these principles of hospitality as mutually exclusive forces, Derrida argues for an irreducible relation between the two.

Derrida understood ‘hospitality’ as an interrogative term to consider both public space as a bounded zone, in which the stranger/foreigner (étranger) is subject to the codes, rules and regulations of its host (home, city or state), and the common right of any stranger to any space; that is, the ethical imperative that the host receives whatever and whomever enters its domain. The radical basis of Derrida’s interpretation calls for the hyperbolic, unlimited ethics of (unconditional) hospitality to orient the (conditional) realm of legislation operating between hosts and guests, challenging the more conventional situation in which the unconditional is contained or guarded by the precepts of conditional hospitality. Radically re-orienting the conditional identity of hospitality, which Derrida summarises as the requirements for ‘a police inquisition, a registration of information, or a straightforward frontier control,’ invokes threshold politics as an ‘unstable place of strategy and decision.’ This, Derrida writes, is ‘[a] difference both subtle and fundamental, a question that arises on the threshold of “home,” and on the threshold between two inflections.’ For Derrida, this is an absolute principle: ‘An art and a poetics, but an entire politics depends on it, an entire ethics is decided by it.’[2]


[1] Key publications related to this topic include: Jacques Derrida, The Politics of Friendship, trans. by George Collins (London and New York: Verso, 1997); Adieu to Emmanual Levinas, trans. by Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1999); On Cosmopolitanism and Foregiveness, trans. by Mark Dooley and Michael Hughes (London and New York: Routledge, 2001); Of Hospitality: Anne Dufourmantelle invites Jacques Derrida to Respond (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2000).

[2] Jacques Derrida, “The Principle of Hospitality,” in Paper Machine, trans. Rachel Bowlby (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2005), 66-7.


Meanwhile in the news

Last week, the Queen agreed to Boris Johnson’s motion to suspend (prorogue) parliament days after it is due to return this week. The closure is expected to be for around five weeks, which means that the time for politicians to push through legislation to stop a no-deal Brexit before parliament is suspended is severely limited. The return of parliamentary business after the prorogation is proposed for 14 October – dangerously close to the date of Britain’s proposed departure from the EU on the 31st.

Protests have taken place across Britain against what is seen as an anti-democratic move (#DefendOurDemocracy; #StopTheCoup). Crowds in London and other cities including Bristol, Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, Swansea, Liverpool and Belfast chanted lines such as ‘Stop the Coup’, ‘Boris, Boris, Boris – out, out, out’ and ‘Bollocks to Brexit’. Labour shadow chancellor John McDonnell called Boris Johnson a ‘dictator’, adding that the suspension of Parliament had ‘rightfully’ been called ‘a very British coup’.

In Belfast, protesters underlined their further lack of political representation in Northern Ireland in the context of the collapse of the devolved power-sharing executive and assembly in Stormont in 2017. The Northern Irish Assembly was established as a condition of the Good Friday Agreement (or Belfast Agreement) of 10 April 1998. The Assembly was set up as a structure for the DUP and Sinn Féin to work together in a mandatory coalition in which nationalist and unionist parties share power. The coalition dissolved when Martin McGuinness resigned as deputy first minister over the DUP’s handling of certain policies, which meant that DUP leader Arlene Foster lost her job as first minister, triggering the collapse of the Assembly. Brenda Gough, an activist who helped promote the Belfast protest on Saturday, is reported in the Belfast Telegraph as saying: ‘A lot of people don’t seem to understand that politicians work for us, they are there to represent our voices, and we understand what it is like not to have that in Northern Ireland because obviously Stormont has been shut down for two-and-a-half years’. She added: ‘The fact that democracy has now been removed from our society is exceptionally sinister’.

Raymond McCord, a victims’ campaigner in Northern Ireland whose son was murdered by loyalist paramilitaries in 1997, is launching a legal bid in Belfast to reverse Boris Johnson’s advice to the Queen to suspend Parliament. This injunction is being pursued in advance of judicial review proceedings against the Government to stop a no-deal Brexit, which McCord claims would damage the Irish peace process. On Boris Johnson, he is quoted by the Belfast Telegraph as saying: ‘This is a Prime Minister who will do anything to get his own way without concerns for the people of Northern Ireland and the peace process.’ Judges will decide today whether the injunction case will be heard later this week. The full hearing is currently set for 16 September.

In yesterday’s Sunday Telegraph, the European Commission’s chief negotiator Michel Barnier is unequivocal about the EU’s commitment to the Irish backstop, deal or no deal:
‘In case of no deal, all the UK’s financial and other obligations from its past EU membership will continue to exist, as well as obviously the international obligations it has to protect the Good Friday Agreement, in all its dimensions.’

Meanwhile, yesterday Michael Gove launched the government’s £100-million public information/propaganda campaign under the slogan ‘Get Ready’, in preparation for (a no-deal) Brexit. It has been described as the largest single advertising campaign since the Second World War.

  • more to follow…

‘Surrender bill’

Tuesday 3 September, 2019: I’m sitting in my hotel room in Belfast watching BBC news. It’s just gone nine in the evening, and there is still a raucous crowd of protestors blocking streets outside Westminister as MPs debate the possibility of pushing forward legislation to prevent a no-deal Brexit. More than 20 Tory rebels are being threatened with de-selection if they don’t vote with Boris Johnson’s government on the bill – these include Winston Churchill’s grandson Sir Nicholas Soames, former chancellor Phillip Hammond and long-standing Tory MP and former Chancellor of the Exchequer Ken Clarke. Depressed, frazzled and fractious MPs are firing potshots at each other across the House. It’s all very complicated.

Earlier in the day, former conservative member Philip Lee defected to the Liberal Democrat party. Midway through Boris Johnson’s speech, Lee crossed the floor of the chamber to the Lib Dem benches, leaving Johnson without a Commons majority. The Guardian quotes a statement from Lee that says ‘he had departed due to the way Johnson was pursuing a “damaging Brexit” that could “put lives at risk.” ‘

A snap general election on Monday 14 October may be called if the bill goes ahead to take a no-deal Brexit off the negotiating table – that is, if the Tory ‘Brexit Rebel Alliance’, Labour MPs, Lib Dems and others in support of the anti-no-deal motion take control of the Commons. Johnson needs a two-thirds Commons majority to call a general election.

It’s almost 10pm and the first vote is to allow MPs to take control of House of Commons’ business tomorrow in order to push through legislation to stop a no-deal Brexit and to delay the leaving date for another three months… those in favour seem confident…

There is a delay in the ‘Aye’ voting lobby due to overcrowding.

The vote is in at 22:13 – (Aye) 328-301 (No). The Ayes have it! The vote was in response to the question: Can MPs take control of Commons business? Boris is blustering… and tabling a motion to call an election. But Corbyn wants the no-deal-Brexit legislation to go through first… lots of baying and bellowing from the Tories. Boris is acting like a petulant school boy who’s not allowed a lollipop. But the defeat is decisive and no-one is very reassured by Boris’s witterings (or ‘Pifflepafflewifflewaffle’, as John Crace describes it) in which he tries to assure the house that he’s working towards a deal but he insists that he needs ‘no deal’ as part of his negotiating hand. He dubs the motion, put forward by backbencher Hilary Benn, ‘Jeremy Corbyn’s surrender bill’.

And all 21 Tory rebels are being expelled from the party.


Wednesday 4 September, 2019: The Benn bill passes in the House of Commons, and the prime minister’s attempt to force a general election on 15 October is thwarted – opposition parties defy Boris Johnson because they want to wait till the no-deal legislation passes into law before they agree to the snap election.

Thursday 5 September, 2019: Despite attempts to delay the Benn bill through a predicted marathon filibuster, the House of Lords agreed to return the bill to block no-Brexit to the lower house by 5pm on Friday. Johnson blustered that he’d rather be ‘rather be dead in a ditch’ than ask the EU to delay Brexit beyond 31 October. (Ummm… bring on the ditch?)


Following the series of defeats in the Commons – the first time a prime minister has lost his/her first parliament vote since 1894 – Johnson and his cronies resort to outrageous bullying tactics and schoolboy name-calling. Following the prime-minister’s lead, Brexiteer Andrea Jenkyns accuses Jeremy Corbyn of ‘chickening out’ of going to the polls on 15 October on BBC’s Newsnight. During PMQs on Wednesday 4 September, Johnson calls Corbyn a ‘chlorinated chicken‘ and (apparently) a ‘great big girl’s blouse‘ for not agreeing to the snap election and repeatedly accuses Labour MPs of being ‘frightened’ of an election. At least two British tabloids take up the ‘chicken’ line in their front page headlines:

To return to the subject of Northern Ireland, what I’m most interested in here is the rhetoric that surrounds Johnson’s coinage of the term ‘surrender bill’. Fintan O’Toole has brilliantly analysed this use of hysterical language in his book Heroic Failure: Brexit and the Politics of Pain (UK: Head of Zeus, 2018), in which he interprets the ‘structure of feeling’ (Raymond Williams) that underlies Brexit as a ‘strange sense of imaginary oppression’ (p. xxii): a fantasy of English nationalism in which the EU is cast as a German-led neo-fascist dictatorship from which England needs to ‘Take Back Control’, in the words of the Brexit campaign slogan for the 2016 Referendum. The perjorative ‘surrender’ bill likens the parliamentary opposition to no-Brexit to ‘cheese eating surrender monkeys’, the phrase that was made up by a writer for the Simpsons TV series in 1995 to mock the French capitulation to the Germans in WWII. O’Toole extrapolates further from this deranged myth of English capitulation to Europe by describing how Brexit rhetoric conjures up:

…the fever-dream of an English Resistance, and its weird corollary: a desire to have actually been invaded so that one could – gloriously – resist. And not just resist but, in the ultimate apotheosis of masochism, die. Part of the allure of romantic anti-imperial nationalism is martyrdom. The executed leaders of the Easter Rising in Dublin in 1916, for example, stand as resonant examples of the potency of the myth of blood sacrifice. But in the ironic reversal of zombie imperialism, the appropriation of the imagery of resistance to a former colonizing power, this romance of martydom is mobilized as defiance of the EU.

Fintan O’Toole, Heroic Failure: Brexit and the Politics of Pain (UK: Head of Zeus, 2018), 51.

These ideas resonate in Boris Johnson’s recent response to the prospect of further delays to Britain’s exit from the EU on 31 October. Remember back in June, before he was appointed PM, Johnson vowed on Talk Radio to secure Britain’s departure from the EU ‘do or die, come what may‘, with the ‘can do’ spirit of the plucky English character witnessed at Dunkirk (the latter, in O’Toole’s interpretation, ‘more toxic waste from the faded myths of English character as pain-as-redemption’, another ‘grand heroic failure’ (pp. 230-1)). This week, Johnson would rather ‘die in a ditch’ than delay Brexit.

O’Toole’s book focuses on Brexit as an essentially English phenomenon, but in Northern Ireland ‘No Surrender’ has a distinctly (white, marginalised and self-pityingly beleaguered) British identity all its own.

When I was in Belfast earlier this week, I found the line ‘No Surrender to the E.U.’ scrawled beneath an International Day of Peace mural. The wall is positioned in a buffer zone between two gates – still able to be closed at short notice to prevent access – in a ‘peace wall’ along Cupar Way between the (predominantly unionist/Protestant) Shankill Road neighourbood towards the left and the (predominantly republican/Catholic) Falls Road towards the right of the image below.

‘No Surrender to the E.U.’ – graffiti beneath an ‘International Day of Peace’ mural in the buffer zone between the Shankill and Falls Road neighbourhoods in Belfast. Photo: Louise Garrett, 2019.

The ‘peace walls’ or ‘peace lines’ are a series of security barriers in Northern Ireland that started going up in 1969 at the start of civil unrest in the region (‘the Troubles’) to separate predominantly Catholic rebublican neigbourhoods that identify with the Irish nationalist cause and Protestant loyalist groups that identify themselves as British Unionists. The original walls were roughly erected by residents during rioting in Derry, Belfast and elsewhere in Northern Ireland urban areas where Catholic and Protestant communities lived in close proximity to one another. The walls were then incorporated into the British government’s strategy to contain sectarian violence, establishing internal borders that reinforced patterns of division and disconnection. In time, the consolidated control zones were fortified by watchtowers and security cameras. A 2017 report by the Belfast Interface Project identified 116 existing security barriers in four urban areas in Northern Ireland. By far the highest density of these are located in Belfast.

The scrawl is at once a nod to the incoherent call to ‘sovereignty’ (‘Take Back Our Borders’) that colours Brexit rhetoric, a re-drawing of unionist battle-lines in opposition to republican desires for Irish unification, and a put down of the ongoing peace process and power-sharing initiatives that the mural above is designed to represent. The slogan also speaks from a minority position, since the Northern Irish electorate voted Remain in the 2016 Brexit referendum. Yet Teresa May’s deal with Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) to prop up the Tories in key Commons’ votes following the 2017 Election ‘ended up giving a far louder and more insistent voice to a marginal expression of vestigial Britishness’, according to O’Toole (Heroic Failure, p. 223). In the no-man’s land of this defensive architecture and its clearly inscribed internal borders in West Belfast, anatagonism – of a distinctively loyalist flavour – still putters away. In the hands of the Brexiteer, ‘No Surrender to the EU’ offers a glimpse into what O’Toole describes a ‘form of self-pity that goes into the making of Brexit: the colonizer imagining itself to be the colonized’. (p. 76).

A view of part of a multi-level security barrier in West Belfast separating the Shankill and Falls Road ‘interface communities’. Photo: Louise Garrett, 2019.
‘Peace Line’ security gates between the Shankill and Falls Roads neighbourhoods (Protestant and Catholic populated areas, respectively) in Belfast . The gates are able to be closed at specified times to restrict access between ‘interface communities’. Photo: Louise Garrett, 2019.

I saw another sign (there are numerous) redolent of the permanent paranoia of the unionist ‘No Surrender’ message painted on a section of wall, which can be seen from the 17th-century city walls in Derry. These ‘Londonderry’ walls were built between 1613 and 1618 by the Irish Society as defences for early seventeenth century colonial settlers from England and Scotland. On the sign, the ‘Londonderry West Bank Loyalists’ proclaim they are ‘Still Under Siege: No Surrender’. In this historical relic, the ‘West Bank Loyalists’ take a nostalgic long view back to the former glories of the 1689 Siege of Derry and the 1690 defeat of the Catholic King James II by Protestant William of Orange (William III) at the battle of the Boyne. These are the touchstones for the Orange Order and its ‘glorious revolution’ – celebrated by loyalists to this day with marches, flute bands, sashes and murals. Murals in the Shankill neighbourhood of Belfast depict a victorious William of Orange on horseback alongside celebrations of the prowess of 36th Ulster Division at the (grim and disastrous) battle of the Somme. Red poppies and Union Jacks abound, intermingled with the red hand symbol of Ulster and multiple other factional symbols. Other murals commemorate deaths of loyalist volunteers during the Troubles. The motto of the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster loyalist paramilitary group established in 1966, is ‘For God and Ulster’. The group’s declared mission was to combat reblicanism and, in the Ulster unionist narrative, the Somme acted as a counterweight to the events of Easter 1916. Phillip Orr reports, in an article in the Irish Times, that ‘Orange Lodges were established in memory of the battle, banners featured the deeds of first World War soldiers, new commemorative sashes and collarettes were worn and a lore was created that included stirring stories of Orangemen going into battle wearing their regalia and calling out “No Surrender.”’ After WWI and the partition of Ireland (críochdheighilt na hÉireann, 1920-1), Northern Ireland loyalists started to commemorate the Somme annually on 1 July, the date of the battle of the Boyne on the old, pre-Gregorian calendar – a day on which Orange services and parades were already taking place. At the other pole, a reblican group called 1916 Societies have erected a placard in the Bogside area of Derry – the site of the Bloody Sunday atrocity – that demand ‘Irish Unity Now’ and ‘No Border’. Meanwhile, back in Westminster, we have clown prince Boris riding roughshod over these deeply imprinted divisions, wantonly brandishing the ‘No Surrender’ regalia (but with no clue about the implications of this rhetoric in relation to the history and current state of affairs of Northern Ireland).

Loyalist placard as seen from the 17th-century city walls in Derry. The walls were built between 1613 and 1618 by the Irish Society as defences for early seventeenth century settlers from England and Scotland. Photo: Louise Garrett, 2019.
Placard erected by 1916 Societies calling for ‘No Border’ and ‘Irish Unity Now’. Bogside, Derry. Photo: Louise Garrett, 2019.

Friday 6 September, 2019: The ‘contents’ have it. The Benn bill, intended to prevent a no-deal Bexit, passes through the House of Lords. The final steps towards this legislation becoming law is royal assent, due to be received on Monday. According to the Guardian, Johnson responds by writing to Tory members on Friday evening ‘pledging to break the law that will require him to seek an extension of article 50. “They just passed a law that would force me to beg Brussels for an extension to the Brexit deadline. This is something I will never do.”’ The PM is further into the throes of fascism, it seems. In the outlandish rhetoric of a ‘No Surrender’ Brexit, the Guardian reports that ‘former Conservative leader Iain Duncan Smith encouraged Johnson to break the law, saying he would be seen as a Brexit “martyr” if judges opted to put him jail for breaching parliament’s terms.’

Brexit day

The EU officially leaves the EU at 11:00pm GMT, 31 January 2020.

Meanwhile in Scotland

In the Royal Exchange Square in Glasgow this morning, a traffic cone painted in the blue and yellow stars of the EU flag appears on the Duke of Wellington statue. Apparently putting a traffic cone on the head of the statue has been par for the course in Glasgow since the 1980s. The EU colours are a special effort for Brexit day.
The Scottish government won a vote to keep the EU flag flying above Holyrood. A YouGov poll on Thursday suggested that a narrow majority of Scots now support independence – with 51% backing yes to 49% No. Former European Council president Donald Tusk has since said that a bid from an independent Scotland for membership of the EU would be looked on with “empathy.”
“Never Gonna Give EU Up” – Missing EU Already rally outside the Scottish Parliament.

And Dover

At dawn, anti-Brexit campaign group Led by Donkeys projected a message to Europe on the side of the White Cliffs of Dover. Photograph: By Donkeys/Twitter.

Anti-Brexit campaigners Led by Donkeys projected a video message to Europe on the White Cliffs of Dover. World War II veterans express their disappointment about the UK’s departure from the EU. 98-year-old Brigadier Stephen Goodall says that: “At my age I shan’t be living much longer but I hope that for the sake of my children and my grandchildren and my great grandchildren that England, Britain will move back to be much closer to Europe than what we have done now.” Sid, a 95-year-old Welsh veteran addresses Europe directly with these words: “Look from your side to this side, see these white cliffs and we’re looking across at you feeling we want to be together and we will be together before long I’m sure.”

Anti-Brexit campaign group Led by Donkeys projected a message to Europe on the side of the White Cliffs of Dover. Photograph: By Donkeys/Twitter.

The video fades to a single yellow star representing Britain, with this message underneath: “This is our star – look after it for us.”

Ireland

Border Communities Against Brexit poster advertising Brexit day protests.
Billboard at the Armagh/Lough border.

Border Communities Against Brexit stage demonstrations in border towns in Ireland: Carriccarnon, Aughnacloy, Aghalane, Blacklion, Lifford and Bridgend. The Belfast Agreement provides a mechanism for a Northern Ireland border poll if the demand exists. The new border down the Irish Sea offers the logic for a potential Irish reunification.

Satirical Twitter account @BorderIrish tweets for the last time.

In Brussels

The Union flag is removed from outside the European Parliament.

In the headlines

“Adios, Auf Wiedersehen, Arrivederci, Au Revoir … Goodbye. For now.” The New European.
“Brexit Day: This is not an end, but a beginning.” The Daily Telegraph.
“Britain bows out of EU with a mixture of optimism and regret.” Financial Times.
“‘Brexit must not take us backwards’: Mayor of London concerned for Irish community following Britain’s EU departure.” The Irish Post.
“Our time has come” The Sun. “UK’s leap into the unknown.” i (newspaper).
“Bye bye, my love! Der Tag des Brexit.” Kolner Stadt-Anzeiger.

The Kolner Stadt-Anzeiger Editor-in-chief writes:

“My generation grew up with the wonderful idea of Europe. A diverse Europe that preserves regional cultures – but united! And this includes London and the Scottish Highlands. The Beatles, the Rolling Stones, New Wave and Punk, British humour and your typical lust for civil disobedience. And let’s not forget of course your epic failure at penalty shootout.

The world would be a poorer place without Shakespeare, the Spice Girls, Harry Potter, Shaun the sheep … The list goes on.

Today you get back to your chosen isolation. Sure, friends will be friends! But it feels different now. More distant, non binding, like a spurned love that was once so beautiful.”

Austrian Brexit stamp. The date of one of the earlier planned “Brexit days” (29.3.2019) is crossed out and the map of the UK fades to the palest blue, almost disappearing into the background.
56:47: Brexit countdown clock projected on number 10 Downing Street.
31:26.
A rendition of Auld Lang Syne in Cambridgeshire, minutes before departure.
00:00. Britain leaves the EU. Kind of.
Brexiteers in Parliament Square.
Projection of a virtual Big Ben on 10 Downing Street chiming 23:00 GMT, midnight CET. Zero hour.
Brexit merch: £12 for an “Official Got Brexit Done 2020 Teatowel” from the Official Conservative Party Shop.

Für das Kind – the “undesirables”

Flor Kent, Für das Kind/Pro Dítê [For the Child] – Displaced, 2003, Liverpool Street Station, London.

During the last week of January, this sculpture tucked against a wall inside Liverpool Street Station crowded my peripheral vision. When I stopped to take a photo, the couple of people leaning against the plinth, attending to their phone screens, looked a bit taken aback – they, too, hadn’t noticed it was there. This blinkered ambivalence echoes the oft-quoted line from writer, peace activist and Auschwitz survivor Elie Wiesel: “The opposite of love is not hate, it’s indifference.” My attention was drawn to the modest Kindertransport memorial by a knot of co-incidences: the passing of Boris Johnson’s “Brexit Bill” [the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act] on 22 January 2020, Holocaust Memorial Day on the 27th of the month, and the “departure” of Britain from the EU on the 31st.

Für das Kind, by the scuptor Flor Kent, is part of a series of similarly named sculptures linking London to Hlavní Nídraží Station in Prague and Vienna’s Westbahnhof Station. The series both memorialises some 10,000 children who arrived in the UK around 1938-39 to escape Nazi persecution and also pays tribute to those private individuals and charities, acting without state funding, who lobbied the British government to initiate a visa waiver system for unaccompanied minors fleeing persecution and helped facilitate the transport. Many of these children disembarked at Liverpool Street Station in London. Among these was six-year-old Alf Dubs – one of the 669 children transported from Prague in March 1939. After 48 hours on the train, Alf was met by his father, Hubert, who had previously managed to flee Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia. His mother, Frida, originally from Austria, was also able to escape shortly afterwards on 31 August, immediately before war broke out on 1 September. Hubert died not long after that, and Frida was left with nothing. Despite these tragic circumstances, the Dubs family was able to stay in the UK. Many others in similar circumstances were unable to turn their temporary entry permits into more permanent visas since Jewish refugees were not considered particularly desirable, displaying an attitude that glimmers of today’s “hostile environment” for immigration. (Indeed, Becky Taylor and Kate Ferguson, the authors of “Refugee History: The 1930s crisis and today” – a report by historians from the University of East Anglia for an All-Party Parliamentary Group – have commented that the word “undesirable” cropped up frequently in the archives related to wartime and post-war immigration, particularly in relation to policymakers keen to curb state support for refugees.)

Little Alf later became a Labour activist and MP, and was eventually given a peerage in 1994. In April 2016, at the height of the recent migrant crisis and at a moment when the Vote Leave campaigners were cynically stirring up xenophobic sentiment to secure the populist vote, Lord Dubs successfully petitioned an amendment to the Immigration Act, offering protection to 3,000 unaccompanied refugee children travelling to Britain from other parts of Europe. Despite his efforts, in the first two years of the scheme, just 220 children were able to benefit from the legislation (based on the Dublin Regulation) as it was promptly submerged by Teresa May’s “hostile environment” for immigration – a strategy for the continuance of state racism that has been exposed during the (ongoing) Windrush scandal.

While the Dubs amendment was written into May’s EU withdrawal bill, it was removed after the election of Boris Johnson’s government, blocking the legal right to family reunion for lone children, many stranded in refugee camps in Calais, Greece and elsewhere. On 22 January 2020, Boris Johnson’s “Brexit bill” passed through parliament after the government overturned five House of Lords amendments, including one tabled by Lord Dubs that aimed to restore the right of unaccompanied child refugees to be reunited with their families in the UK after Brexit. This amendment, which was rejected by Conservative MPs by an 88-vote majority, sought to reinstate a previous version of the Brexit bill that required the government to coordinate with the EU to ensure that unaccompanied minors could continue to join relatives in the UK. Yet Boris Johnson happily made political capital on Holocaust Memorial Day on 27 January, despite his government’s thumping refusal to assist asylum for children currently adrift from their families and barely surviving in unimaginable conditions. Five days later, Britain had “left” the EU (although, despite rumours, that doesn’t mean Brexit “got done”).


Críosog Bridghe: St. Brigid’s Cross woven from straw rushes, associated with Brigid of Kildare, one of the patron saints of Ireland. Traditionally, these crosses are made in Ireland to commemorate St. Brigid’s feast day on 1 February, which also marks the pagan festival Imbolc, celebrating the beginning of Spring.

On Friday 31 January 2020, a message appeared on the Tyrone GAA (Gaelic Athletic Association) Facebook page:

Anocht is Uaigneach Tír Eoghain … Tonight Tyrone is Lonely.

The post’s author also cited the Irish saying Ar scáth a chéile a mhaireann na daoine, which translates as something like: “It is in each other’s shadow that we flourish,” encompassing the wider implications of mutual support and shelter, hospitality, community and empathy. By contrast, Tyrone (NI) was “lonely” that dark night at the end of January in anticipation of its removal from the EU and its guarantee of a continuing mutual interdependence promised to this particular Ulster sports’ association. The poster continued: “It’s a bit perverse that this happens on St Brigid’s Eve, when the welcoming of strangers into the house is a central part of the St Brigid’s Cross-Making tradition.” St. Brigid’s Eve marks the last day of winter and the transition to spring on 1 February. The commemoration derives from Imbolc: one of the four festivals (Celtic quarter days) marking seasonal transitions in pre-Christian Ireland. St. Brigid is a Christian version (or appropriation) of an ancient nature goddess – the Celtic goddess Bríd. Traditionally, crosses woven out of rushes were (are) hung over doors or in rafters as a sign of welcome and an invocation to St. Brigid to watch over the forthcoming lambing and calving season. Crosses hung in stables invited the saint to bless animals and ameliorate birth – ‘Imbolc’ translates as “in the belly” and is associated with parturition. Lore suggests that Brigid also protected cows, their calves and also their milk. In some places, poorer neighbours were offered gifts of milk and butter. St. Brigid is also associated with generosity towards the poor and ill, and the welfare of children and young adults.

Faced with the impression that the veneration of Brigid offers of an ideal symbiosis between communities and natural resources based on empathy and mutual sustenance, it seems little wonder that the good people of the Tyrone GAA felt somewhat bleak over the imminent reconstitution of the border with their neighbours at the end of their lane in Donegal. A few days later, former European Council president Donald Tusk, speaking to Andrew Marr (Andrew Marr Show, BBC, 2 February 2020) pointedly explained:

“Brexit is not about frictionless trade but about friction-more trade […] Brexit is about borders […] the synonym of Brexit is the re-establishment of borders.”

Still, the return of the light and new hope, signified by Brigid, may beckon renewed calls for the promise (or risk, some might say) of the reunification of Ireland, which was underscored a week or so after St. Brigid’s Day when Sinn Féin won 37 seats in the Irish General Election. In that battle, it was housing and welfare – “home” even more than “homeland” – that seemed to have been the key issues. Maybe this is what Bríd/Brigid had in mind for 2020.


Elsewhere:

Brexit brings uncertainty about changing border regulations between the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar and the Kingdom of Spain. Around 15,000 people a day travel into Gibraltar from Spain for work. Despite most Gibraltans voting against Brexit, the region may face the prospect of a post-Brexit “hard border,” unless Britain is able to make a bilateral agreement with Spain that will be workable under EU rules.

2021: In the middle of the journey…

The god Janus, roman coin, in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.

This is how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. […] This storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress.

Walter Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History” (1940)

Is it that, surveying the immense garbage dump of history, today’s mountains of nonbiodegradable plastic, this particular angel finds itself incapable of singing the praises of the present to which it has been assigned and, mute, is therefore unable to vanish?

Frederic Jameson, “History and the Messianic” in The Benjamin Files (2020).

In The Arcades Project, Benjamin writes, “The coming awakening stands, like the Greeks’ wooden horse, in the Troy of dreams.” Waking waits for the right moment to attack the land of sleep and liberate it. The wakers want to be freed from sleep’s grasp and the only way this can happen is to invoke the incomplete past so that it might be renewed beneath the gaze of the present moment, changing both past and present. For history is not a succession of finite moments but a chain of breaks. And waking, in Benjamin’s understanding, is memory’s rebirth at the fleeting intersection of past and present, an instant that flares like a spark: reality ceases to be a stage on which history repeats itself and becomes a living substance in which the gunpowder of history detonates.

Haytham El Wardany, “When Waking Begins,” trans. from the Arabic by Robin Moger, The Paris Review, 3 November 2020: link to the article.
A Black Lives Matter protestor sits outside the US Capitol security perimeter during the inauguration of Joe Biden as the 46th US President on January 20, 2021, at the US Capitol in Washington, DC: link to article.

The recent recognition of Holocaust Memorial Day on 27 January, buried in an avalanche of catastrophic news cycles, and the celebration of Imbolc – the Gaelic festival marking the beginning of Spring – on 1 February, reminded me that it had been a year since I contributed to this blog. (And now over a year since the British exit from the EU on 31 January 2020, when Covid-19 was already in circulation but the consequences of the virus were still – seemingly – unforeseen). Outside, it is snowing (9 Feb). Going through the motions of their allotted “once per day” exercise, locals move ploddingly on solo expeditions through Storm Darcy and the desultory conditions of the latest national lockdown in England. The Met Office warns that the weather may drop to a ten-year low this week. A minor note of interest in the relentless, chaotic unfolding of 2020-21, towards which many of us have only been able to look mutely on, mullet-eyed and defenceless at the onslaught.

In a recent BBC podcast the creative director and cultural commentator Gaylene Gould puts it succinctly: “The world has tilted on its axis – global pandemic shut down the whole world. And then across that same world we saw Black people, and people who are subjugated to legacies of violence, rise up.” The anchor for her observations is a visit, during lockdown, to the Kara Walker commission in the Tate Modern Turbine Hall. Fons Americanus is Walker’s take on the Victoria Memorial in front of Buckingham Palace. In her version of the fountain, Walker has replaced the original celebratory imperial symbolism and iconography commemorating Queen Victoria with allegories of the Black Atlantic, marked by figures invoking the slave trade and histories of imperialist violence. The monumental work – as Gould observes – has gained even greater significance in the wake of the re-emergence of the global Black Lives Matter movement and, in particular, the interrogation of histories of enslavement and the architecture of the ruling elite represented by the toppling of slaver statues in the US, UK and elsewhere.

The work confronts this moment in history, this space of the interlude.

Is it a necessary activation of the radical potentiality of the present, of “time filled by the presence of the now [Jetztzeit]” in Walter Benjamin’s formulation? (Benjamin, Theses, 1940). This moment feels paralysing, muddy, congealing, demoralising, lonely… but if we take Homi Bhaba’s point that “The state of emergency is also always a state of emergence” (Bhaba, Location of Culture, 1994), can we think about what that “emergence” might look like in terms of possible futures? This standstill may yet produce new forms of historical reckoning, new futures, with Benjamin’s caveat – and this is where Bhaba is riffing from: “The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the ‘state of emergency’ in which we live is not the exception but the rule.” (Benjamin, Theses, 1940). For the afterlives of slavery, of imperialism, of colonial violence, have been relief-etched on the memory of 2020, from murder of George Floyd on 25 May 2020 in Minnesota at the hands of the police, to global Black Lives Matter protests reminding us of the repugnant history of similar unlawful deaths around the world and the ways this reflects centuries of violent oppression, to the toppling of slaver statues and the exposure of histories of white supremacy (and governments’ unwillingness to engage with those histories), to the health inequalities evident in the disproportionate number of deaths of coronavirus deaths in deprived communities, amongst disabled groups, and in Black, Asian and minority ethnic groups in England (as reported by Public Health England) and elsewhere, and much, much more besides.

7 June 2020: Statue of slave trader Edward Colston is toppled, defaced and thrown into Bristol harbour. The bronze memorial had stood in the Bristol city centre since 1895. It was erected more than 170 years after the death of Colston himself. Here is an account of its history.

Back in April 2020, when London was rattled by the shocking proliferation of coronavirus and had settled begrudgingly into the reality of its first full lockdown, the Financial Times published a widely shared (and remarkably prescient) article by Arundhati Roy called “The pandemic is a portal.” She reports that, at the time, Covid-19 deaths worldwide numbered around 50,000. According to figures from John Hopkins University (reported in the New Scientist on 9 February 2021), the worldwide covid-19 death toll had passed 2.32 million, with the number of confirmed cases at more than 106 million (though the true number of cases will be much higher). In her account, Roy describes the shocking spectacle of the “brutal, structural, social and economic inequality” in India that the pandemic – named as such by the World Health Organisation on 11 March 2020 – revealed. After lockdown was announced on 24 March, Roy writes, “… millions of impoverished, hungry, thirsty people, young and old, men, women, children, sick people, blind people, disabled people, with nowhere else to go, with no public transport in sight, began a long march home to their villages. They walked for days, towards Badaun, Agra, Azamgarh, Aligarh, Lucknow, Gorakhpur — hundreds of kilometres away. Some died on the way.” Worse still, the plight of the poor with no choice but to stay in the cities: “…sealed into cramped quarters in slums and shanties.”

In one of his podcasts from the series Grounded, Louis Theroux came up with an apt metaphor for his experience of pandemic lockdown (Grounded with Louis Theroux, series 2, episode 17: in conversation with Riz Ahmed – well worth the listen). From the comfortable insulation of his West London home, Theroux describes the unhomely experience of this twilight zone as “a bit like being in a hotel and someone’s being tortured in the next room, but you don’t really know that it’s happening – you just have been told that it’s going on, and so there’s a surreal sense of dissonance with what you acknowledge to be the facts.” Theroux’s is a privileged position, of course, but the dread and disquiet he conveys here is palpable in London.

The sound of the first lockdown – devoid of the constant low-level hum of traffic – was eerily punctuated by ambulance sirens. Yet in the intervals between, in that window of time when the skies were free of planes and peals of spring birdsong rang out through the temporary stillness of urban space – when the virus, in Roy’s words, brought “the engine of capitalism to a juddering halt” – the rupture also held promise. Roy concluded her article by imagining the pandemic as “a portal, a gateway between one world and the next. We can choose to walk through it, dragging the carcasses of our prejudice and hatred, our avarice, our data banks and dead ideas, our dead rivers and smoky skies behind us. Or we can walk through lightly, with little luggage, ready to imagine another world.”

Wearily trudging into year two of the Tory government’s mishandling of the crisis, it’s difficult to imagine a future in England that’s other than bleak and overburdened with resentment and suffering. Recently, sometime around Christmas, there was a marked number of police sirens in the streets. I looked up the local news for clues and found out there was a lack of ambulances and hospitals had to resort to police cars to transport patients. Hum. Grrrrrrgh. Meanwhile, an image of 200 people queuing for food at a soup kitchen in sub-zero temperatures in Glasgow on Monday (8 February) went viral on social media (see here and here).

NHS staff member, Dr. Rachel Clarke, recently reported in this Guardian article that:

It’s late January. The wards and ICUs are overwhelmed, awash with the virus. The patients seem younger, the new variant more virulent. We are drowning, drowning in Covid. The sight of a doctor or nurse breaking down has become unremarkable. Too close, for too long, to too many patients’ pain, we have become – just like them – saturated. Behind hospital doors, tucked away out of sight, we seem to suffer as one.

During the purgatory of this third lockdown, Clarke observes that “…instead of unity, community and a shared sense of purpose – that extraordinary eruption of philanthropy last springtime – we seethe like rats in a sack, fractious, divided.” For choosing to reveal conditions on the frontline of the NHS, Clarke receives appalling abuse from “Covid sceptic” online trolls. Crowds of deniers turn up to hospitals to chant “Covid is a hoax.” Inside, patients are sick and dying. Some patients beg staff to delay intubation, since a likely end to the treatment is death, according to this NHS consultant anaesthetist. The last person many patients will see is a masked professional. According to Clarke, “…they will never see a human face again. Not one smile, nor pair of cheeks, nor lips, nor chin. Not a single human being without barricades of plastic.” If a video call can be arranged, family members may only witness a distressing sight of their loved one fighting for breath, lungs and throat swamped in Covid pus. Funerals have migrated online. Saturation is a fitting expression.


Meanwhile, in Brexit news

Miles of lorry queues in Kent when France placed a 48-hour ban on passengers and freight entering from the UK before Christmas. The ban was due to a new strain of Covid-19.

More images of bare life. As if the omens weren’t bad for the 2020-21 transition to Brexit, drivers found themselves stuck in the cabs of their trucks in Kent in the days leading up to Christmas. Heading for the Dover-Calais crossing, drivers were stalled in nightmare queues when France announced a 48-hour ban on passengers and freight entering from the UK (on 21 December) due to a new, virulent Covid strain (there have been a number of these mutations in the past few months). Delays in providing Covid testing meant many hauliers had to miss Christmas since the backlog took days to clear. Perishable goods were spoiled. The new Covid variant had already led to new UK government restrictions for British Christmas celebrations. The headlines in the Sunday papers on 20 December told the story: “Will this nightmare ever end?” (The Mail on Sunday), “Lost Xmas” (Sunday Mirror), “Johnson U-turn leaves nation’s plans for Christmas in tatters” (The Observer), “Christmas in cancelled by surging mutant virus” (The Sunday Times), “Christmas cancelled for millions” (The Sunday Telegraph), “Fast spreading Covid-19 wrecks Christmas” (Sunday Express).

Seemingly without irony, the closure of the border by France was met with exaggerated disgruntlement and outrage by British commentators, many of the Brexit persuasion. Amusing, but by no means surprising, to see the penny drop that border closures were possible all along, so the Brexit slogan of “taking back control” of British borders seemed – maybe?! – not worth the four years of bitter wrangling and grief. And, also, more practically speaking, closing or at least imposing restricting on UK borders back in March 2020 might have been a good idea…?

But I digress. So, when the truck-drivers were freezing in their cabs, grateful for any scraps of food they could glean from passing locals and attentive charities, No 10 announced “we have taken back control” on Christmas Eve – 24 December 2020 when the Conservatives announced they had secured a UK-EU deal. Since then, musicians have heavily criticised the governments failure to secure visa-free travel for performers. The failure of the negotiation “‘will make many tours unviable, especially for young emerging musicians who are already struggling to keep their heads above water owing to the Covid ban on live music,” according to a letter to The Times signed by a list of prominent signatories from the pop, rock and classical worlds. The Irish sea border is under renewed scrutiny with the Northern Ireland Protocol coming into force on 1 January 2021. The shellfish industry is facing ruin. Blocks on wholesale distribution of pharmaceuticals from the UK into EU member states have led firms to take their production lines across to Europe. Daffodils have been left to rot in Cornish fields and fruit and vegetable shortages could follow due to restrictions on (and lack of incentives for) migrant workers. There is more: much, much more that does not bode well. And the sirens keep punctuating the passage of Spring.

But who, really, is to know? According to Nick Cohen, writing in the Guardian, “the only real conspiracy is the conspiracy of silence.” The media coverage of the economic and social crises brought on by Brexit is piecemeal. The government is tight-lipped on the matter. The promised opening up of trade deals with the rest of the world is stalled. The “world,” according to Cohen, can sense the UK’s neediness. The Labour opposition have been instructed to keep schtum on the matter, according to this Guardian article. Brexit – and there is no surprise here – is a barrier not a threshold.